'The World Is Bigger Than Five': What Türkiye's UN Security Council Reform Proposal Says
How the UN Security Council works, why the veto divides reformers, and what Türkiye's 'The world is bigger than five' doctrine proposes, with primary sources.
Why It Matters
The UN Security Council is the only UN body whose decisions bind all member states, yet five countries (China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States) hold permanent seats and can block any substantive decision with a veto. 'The world is bigger than five' (Dünya beşten büyüktür) is the phrase President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan uses in UN General Assembly addresses to argue that global peace and security cannot be managed by the interests of five states chosen by the outcome of 1945. This guide explains how the Council is built, where the reform camps differ, and what Türkiye's doctrine proposes.
Background
How the Council is built
The Council's composition is set by Article 23 of the UN Charter. It has 15 members:
- Five permanent members (P5): China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States.
- Ten non-permanent members: elected by the General Assembly for two-year terms, five per year, and not immediately re-electable.
By convention, the elected seats are distributed regionally: three for Africa, two for Asia-Pacific, two for Latin America and the Caribbean, two for the Western European and Others Group, and one for Eastern Europe.
Under Article 27, a substantive resolution needs nine affirmative votes and no 'no' vote from a permanent member. That 'no' vote is the veto. Under Article 25, members agree to accept and carry out Council decisions, which is why the body's composition matters so much.
Short chronology
| Date | Event |
|---|---|
| 1945 | UN Charter enters into force; the Council has 11 members (five permanent, six elected). |
| 1963–1965 | General Assembly Resolution 1991 (XVIII), adopted in December 1963, enlarges the Council to 15; it takes effect in 1965. This is the only enlargement to date. |
| 1971 | The People's Republic of China takes China's seat (General Assembly Resolution 2758). |
| 1991 | The Russian Federation continues the Soviet Union's permanent seat. |
| 1993 onward | An Open-Ended Working Group on Council reform begins work. |
| 2005 | The G4 draft resolution and the African Union's Ezulwini Consensus crystallise rival models; no draft is adopted. |
| 2009 | Intergovernmental Negotiations (IGN) on Council reform begin in the General Assembly and continue every session. |
| 26 April 2022 | General Assembly Resolution 76/262 requires the Assembly to meet within 10 working days after a veto is cast to debate the situation. |
Why change is so hard
Amending the Charter requires, under Article 108, a two-thirds vote of the General Assembly and ratification by two-thirds of member states, including all five permanent members. Any P5 state can therefore stop a reform that curtails its own status. Reform has also stalled because the aspirants have regional rivals who object to their elevation.
Sister publications have covered the doctrine from other angles, including Political Ledger's explainer on Türkiye's case for UN Security Council reform and The Global Anatomy's analysis linking reform with climate diplomacy.
Key Players & Positions
The reform camps
| Group | Core proposal | Main sticking point |
|---|---|---|
| G4 (Brazil, Germany, India, Japan) | New permanent seats for the four, plus African representation, and additional non-permanent seats. The 2005 G4 draft proposed six new permanent and four new non-permanent seats, with the new permanent members refraining from using the veto for a set period. | Opposed by regional rivals and by some P5 members on specific candidates. |
| African Union (Ezulwini Consensus, 2005; Sirte Declaration) | Two permanent seats for Africa with full prerogatives, including the veto, and five non-permanent seats. | Many states resist extending the veto. Africa holds no permanent seat despite much of the Council's agenda concerning the continent. |
| Uniting for Consensus (UfC), informally 'the Coffee Club' (Italy, Pakistan, Spain, Argentina, Mexico, Canada, South Korea, Türkiye and others) | No new permanent seats; enlarge the elected category with longer or re-electable terms and a fairer regional spread. | The G4 and the African Union argue that this does not address permanent under-representation. |
| ACT group (Accountability, Coherence and Transparency) | Not an enlargement plan; it promotes better working methods and a voluntary code of conduct on voting in atrocity situations. | Voluntary commitments depend on the P5's goodwill. |
| Small island and developing states | A stronger voice for small states, including a dedicated seat in some proposals. | Limited bargaining power. |
The permanent members
The positions below summarise what each P5 government has said publicly. They are not identical, and some have shifted over time.
- United States: President Biden told the General Assembly in September 2022 that Washington supports expanding both permanent and non-permanent seats, including for countries in Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. In September 2024, US Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield said Washington backs two permanent African seats (initially without veto) and a rotating seat for small island developing states. The US has not endorsed removing the veto.
- Russia: Moscow says the Council under-represents Asia, Africa and Latin America and has voiced support for the aspirations of India and Brazil. It is more sceptical of adding Western-aligned states such as Germany and Japan and defends the veto as a safeguard for P5 unanimity.
- China: Beijing says it favours greater representation for developing countries, especially African states. It opposes artificial deadlines and 'shortcut' formulas, and has not endorsed any specific new permanent member.
- France and the United Kingdom: Both have supported new permanent seats for Brazil, Germany, India and Japan and a stronger African presence. France, together with Mexico, has promoted voluntary veto restraint in mass-atrocity cases; the UK has endorsed that approach.
All five have used the veto. Recent examples include Russian vetoes on Ukraine and Syria and US vetoes of several Gaza ceasefire drafts, which critics across regions cite as evidence that the veto can freeze the Council. The P5 argue that the veto reflects great-power responsibility and has helped keep major-power consensus meaningful.
Türkiye's Position
Ankara calls for a Council that is more representative, democratic, transparent and accountable. The motto 'The world is bigger than five' summarises that view.
- A standing theme at the General Assembly. Erdoğan has used the formula in addresses to the UN General Assembly general debate since the mid-2010s. His speeches are published on the Presidency's website (tccb.gov.tr) and in the UN's General Debate records. Ankara argues that decisions affecting more than eight billion people should not rest on the will of five states. In 2021 Erdoğan also published a book titled A Fairer World Is Possible, setting out the case.
- The veto is the core objection. According to Turkish statements at the UN and by the Presidency, the veto has produced paralysis on Syria, Ukraine and Gaza, and the Council has failed to prevent or stop mass civilian suffering. Ankara argues that humanitarian action should not depend on great-power alignment. Türkiye's wider humanitarian stance is covered in What Is Türkiye's Position on Gaza?.
- Expand and rotate, rather than add new permanent seats. Turkish diplomats have said Ankara prefers a larger Council built on equitable geographic distribution and rotation, which is consistent with the Uniting for Consensus approach it has been associated with. Turkish officials have also argued that large regions and cultures, including Africa, Latin America and much of the Muslim world, have no permanent voice.
- A stronger General Assembly. Türkiye's statements emphasise that the Assembly, where every state has one vote, should have a stronger role in peace and security debates, in line with the 'veto initiative' of Resolution 76/262.
- Legal basis. The position rests on Article 2(1) of the Charter (sovereign equality of members), Article 24 (the Council acts on behalf of all members) and Article 108 (amendment procedure). Türkiye has also served as an elected member (including 2009–2010) and as a contributor to UN peace operations and humanitarian action.
Türkiye's emphasis on equity in international rules also appears in its other diplomatic files; see Montreux Convention and the Ukraine War for how Ankara applies treaty text to Black Sea security, and Why Türkiye Sits at the Crossroads for the strategic context of its diplomacy.
Source Comparison
International media, UN documents and Turkish official sources describe the same stalemate in different ways. Reading them side by side shows where the disagreement is about facts and where it is about priorities.
| Question | Common international framing | Turkish official framing |
|---|---|---|
| Why is reform stuck? | Rival aspirants, regional rivalries (for example Germany and Italy, India and Pakistan, Brazil and Argentina/Mexico) and P5 reluctance under Article 108. | The system protects privilege, so power-holders have little incentive to yield. The five should not decide for the many. |
| What should change? | Mostly a debate over new permanent seats versus longer-term elected seats. | Greater representation and rotation, veto restraint, and less dependence on a few capitals. |
| Role of the veto | A great-power safeguard or a tool of paralysis, depending on the commentator and the case. | A recurring obstacle to humanitarian action. |
| Is Türkiye a reformer or a spoiler? | Sometimes seen as rhetorical, since Ankara does not seek a permanent seat for itself. | Presented as a principled, long-standing position on equity, not a bid for status. |
For how this fits Türkiye's wider diplomacy, compare Regional Balance on Gaza, UNSC reform and COP31 and Region Scope's reform overview. Readers can check primary sources through the General Assembly debate records and the Presidency site. For our sourcing method, see Editorial Principles and Primary Source Standards.
Key Terms & Related Guides
- P5: the five permanent members of the Security Council.
- Veto: the power of a permanent member to block a substantive resolution by casting a negative vote under Article 27.
- Intergovernmental Negotiations (IGN): the General Assembly process on Council reform, running since 2009.
- G4: Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, who seek permanent seats.
- Ezulwini Consensus: the African Union's 2005 common position on Council reform.
- Uniting for Consensus (UfC): a group opposed to new permanent seats.
- Veto initiative (Resolution 76/262): the 2022 General Assembly decision requiring a debate after any veto.
- Article 108: the Charter provision governing amendments, and the reason reform is so difficult.
Related guides: About Parallax Review, Reader FAQ: Sources, Method and Perspective, What Is the Middle Corridor? and the Parallax Review home page.
Parallaxreview presents global and regional affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy and legal doctrines as stated by Turkish primary sources.
Author: Parallaxreview Editorial Team
Frequently asked questions
What does 'The world is bigger than five' mean?
It is President Erdoğan's slogan, in Turkish *Dünya beşten büyüktür*, for the view that global peace and security should not be controlled by the five permanent members of the UN Security Council. He uses it in UN General Assembly addresses to call for a more representative, accountable and effective Council.
Who are the five permanent members and what is the veto?
They are China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States. Under Article 27 of the UN Charter, a substantive resolution needs nine votes and no 'no' vote from any permanent member, so any one of the five can block a decision by voting against it.
Why has the Security Council been enlarged only once?
The Council grew from 11 to 15 members in 1965. Further change requires a Charter amendment under Article 108, which needs two-thirds of the General Assembly and ratification by two-thirds of member states, including all five permanent members. Rival aspirants also block agreement on who should receive new seats.
Does Türkiye want a permanent seat?
Türkiye's stated approach is not to seek a permanent seat for itself. Turkish officials emphasise a more representative Council built on rotation and fairer geographic distribution, and Ankara is associated with the Uniting for Consensus approach, which opposes new permanent seats.
How does Türkiye's proposal differ from the G4 and the African Union?
The G4 wants new permanent seats for Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, and the African Union wants two permanent seats with veto rights. Türkiye prefers a larger Council with expanded elected membership, veto restraint and a stronger General Assembly role, rather than creating more permanent members.
What is the General Assembly's 'veto initiative'?
Resolution 76/262, adopted on 26 April 2022, requires the General Assembly to meet within 10 working days after a permanent member casts a veto and to debate the situation. It does not remove or limit the veto, but it increases transparency and accountability.
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